History of Khidkali The Village of Royal Bhedkut

Social Mores, Customs & Food Habits of the Social Groups of Theh Bahri Village Location.— Theh Bahri is approached by a 6-kilometre long metalled road from Rajaund, an important village on the Kaithal-Assandh road (State highway No. 11), lying at a distance of 27 kilometres from Kaithal and 14 kilometres from Assandh. It is 41 kilometres from Jind, the tahsil, sub-divisional and district headquarters. The village is located at a distance of 70 kilometres from Karnal, the nearest city with all approach means, 67 kilometres from Kurukshetra, 64 kilometres from Panipat, 33 kilometres from Safidon and 29 kilometres from Pundri, with which it is directly connected via Rajaund. No. 11), lying at a distance of 27 kilometres from Kaithal and 14 kilometres from Assandh. It is 41 kilometres from Jind, the tahsil, sub-divisional and district headquarters. The village is located at a distance of 70 kilometres from Karnal, the nearest city with all approach means, 67 kilometres from Kurukshetra, 64 kilometres from Panipat, 33 kilometres from Safidon and 29 kilometres from Pundri, with which it is directly connected via Rajaund. Theh Bahri is bounded by village Bangran in the north, Rajaund, in the north-east, Thal in the east, Bahri in the south-east, Baghana in the south-west and Durana in the west. History of the village.— Theh Bahri, as the name appears in the revenue records, is popularly known as Bir Theh Bahri or Khirkali in the surrounding area. It is said that before the creation of the Criminal Tribes Department in 1917, Bir Theh Bahri was a desolate (Theh ) Jungle (Bir) of Bahri (the adjoining village towards the south-east). The land had a wild growth of kikar (Acacia nilotica), dhak (Butea monosperma), kendu (Diospyros tomentose), jal (Salvadora aleoides), jand (Prosopis cineratia), peepal (Ficus), bar (Ficus bengalensis), hins (Cappiris zeylanica), arund (Riccinus ), Karia (Capparils decidua), garanda (Carissa spinarum) and jhar (Zizyphus nummularia). The land falling under the village area round about 1918 when the jungles were cleared and was acquired by the Criminal Tribes/ Agricultural Settlement was established in the village for Muslim Baluch a criminal tribe. It is also said that there was akutcha wall around the village habitat which had two gates in the east and west with large wooden doors(khirkal) and the movements of the tribe was restricted and closely watched by a Superintendent and an Assistant Superintendent of the said department who had their residences here. The village became popular with the name khirkali in the surrounding area due to the large wooden doors (khirkal) in the two gates of the village habitat. The Bhedkuts, the Bawarias, the Sansis and the Tagu Brahmans, the present residents of village Theh Bahri, who were also Criminal Tribes in the Criminal Tribes Agricultural Settlements in Multan and Montgomery, were rehabilitated in the village by allotting them 5 to 10 acres of land on batai system. Jhinwar, Kumhar and Sunar households also settled in the village in the post-independence period. The history of transformation of these hardened criminals and habitual offenders into normal citizens and the social and economic factors which brought them into national mainstream can be broadly divided into four periods as given below:— (1) 1900-1923.—During the period, they were notorious for commission of crimes such as thefts, livestock stealing, burglaries, high-way robberies and other anti-social activities and used to lead a nomadic and predatory life. The Government of India enacted Criminal Tribes Act, III of 1911. Under this Act, certain tribes were declared as Criminal Tribes and restrictions were placed on their movements. Those settled in villages were required to report their presence to the headman of their respective village daily and they could not leave their villages without getting regular leave passes.In 1913, the Punjab Government appointed a Committee of two members (Raja Hari Kishan Kaul C.I.E. and Mr. L.L. Tomkins of the Indian Police) for the purpose of examining various administrative problems that presented themselves in connection with these tribes.The committee was required to suggest as to how the provisions of the above Act could be utilised in dealing with tribes of varying degree of criminality with a view to their reformation; to go into the question of opening reformatory settlements and to report on the industries on which the members of the tribes could be employed in order to determine how far it would be necessary to provide land for their maintenance. The committee commenced enquiries into the various complex problems and submitted its report in 1914. The committee recommended the opening of reformatory, industrial and agricultural settlements for the members of these tribes. It also suggested to appoint a Special Welfare Officer who should control all the working connected with criminal tribes. On the basis of these recommendations, a separate department, known as the Criminal Tribes Department, was created sometime in 1917. The Head of the Department was designated as Deputy Commissioner for Criminal Tribes, Punjab.(2) 1924-1951.—The Criminal Tribes Act 111 of 1911 was replaced by the Criminal Tribes Act, VI of 1924. The members of these tribes used to be arrested and removed to reformatory, industrial and agricultural settlements opened at various places by the Government where they were to be joined by their families, provided work and compelled to work for their living and had to educate their children. There were schools both for boys and girls in each settlement in which male and female teachers were employed by the department. Medical facilities were also available there at the expense of the department. Besides, a cooperative i.e shop was opened for each settlement where the inmates of the settlement used to buy their necessities of daily use. There was one reformatory settlement at Amritsar where hardened criminals of these tribes were detained for a period of 5 to 10 years. It was practically a jail. Industrial settlement were meant for criminals of lesser degree. The members of criminals tribes were provided work either in forests, factories of railway workshops. In agricultural settlements at various places, 10 acres of Government land was allotted free of cost to each member of the criminal tribes who had not been convicted of a non-bailable offence or absence during the last ten consecutive years. The members of these tribes were required to pay to the Government all land revenue, assessed occupiers rates, cesses etc. in respect of that land. After the expiry of 15 years from the date of commencement of the tenancy, if the member of Criminal Tribes was not convicted of any offence under Chapter XVII of the Indian Penal Code or under the Criminal Tribes Act or any non-bailable offence or was not ordered under section 118 of the Criminal Procedure Code to execute a bond of good behaviour, he became entitled to the grant of occupancy rights under the Punjab Tenancy Act in the said lands. In the Reformatory Agricultural Settlement, lands were given to the members of the Criminal Tribes (who were not otherwise eligible for grant of land under the rules) onbatai system and Government share was collected in form of produce. In the Reformatory School at Amritsar (Punjab), children of these tribes, between the ages of 9 and 19 years, were removed of for imparting education and industrial training. Each settlement was placed under the charge of an officer known as Superintendent and restrictions were placed on their movement, thus providing them a settled but isolated life. (3 1952-1987.—With the dawn of Independence, the Criminal Tribes Act, VI of 1924, which was monstrous from the democratic views insofar as it restricted the personal movements and freedom of a section of the citizens of the country was repealed in 1952, consequent upon the recommendations of the committee appointed by the Government of India and all restrictions on their personal movements and freedom were lifted. With the repeal of the Act, the work connected with the education, economic and social uplift of Criminal Tribes came to be the responsibility of the states so that there should be continuity in welfare activities in this respect. These tribes came to be known as ex-criminal tribes after the repeal of the Act but this nomenclature was resented by the tribes themselves both in the Parliament and on the platform. The natural corollary therefrom was that these tribes came to be known as `denotified' and in course of time known as Vimukt Jatis. Thus during the period they were leading a free and normal life as Government tenants. (4) 1988 onward.—The Government of Haryana decided on 30th March, 1988 to confer proprietary rights on the Government land in favour of the allottees in Theh Bahri village. Thus, the members of these castes might lead an honourable life as peasant proprietors. This shows a total and complete change in their life style from that of a criminal vagabond to a peace loving, well-settled land owner. The list of denotified communities in the composite Punjab reads as follows: (1) Bangali (2) Barar (3) Bauria or Bawaria (4) Nat (5) Gandhila (6) Tagu Brahman of Karnal district (7) Dhinwara of Gurgaon district (8) Minas of Gurgaon district (9) Bhora Brahmans of Kangra district (10) Mahtams of police station Mamdot and Fazilka of Ferozepur district and (11) Sansi (including subcastes, Kutchband, Bhedkut, Mahesh, Godri, Rechhbana, Kepet, Aharia, Tettlu, Bheria, Bhantu, Arhar, Bhatut, Chattu, Babura, Kikan, Harrar, Mehla, Rehwala, Biddu, Lengeh, Singiwala, Kalkhar, Mirasadkari, Bhagiarmar, Singiakat, Dhe, Chaddi or Chadi, Biehalia, Pakhiwara, Baddon, Harni). The villages solely inhabited by these tribes are Theh Bahri (the village under study) in Jind district and Bir Bidalwa, Deputywala Bidalwa and Bir Bhandari in Karnal district. Ethnic Composition Bhedkuts.—Bhedkuts numbering 160 households and 909 persons including 473 males and 436 females and accounting for 69.92 (approximately 70 per cent) of the total village population constituted the single largest group, forming the backbone of the village economy. They are members of Vimukt Jatis and also appear in the list of Scheduled Castes in Haryana State. They came from Pakistan in Theh Bahri in the wake of Partition of India in 1947. Among 160 households belonging to them, 152 hailed from Multan district and 8 households from Montgomery district of Punjab in Pakistan. Fifty two households of Bhedkuts including a village chowkidar and a barber of their caste were rehabilitated in Theh Bahri by the Criminal Tribes Department and later on by the State Social Welfare Department in 1953 after the repeal of the Criminal Tribes Act, 1924 in 1952 and reorganisation of the Criminal Tribes Department by giving 10 acres of land per family to 42 households, between 5 to 10 acres per family to 7 households and less than 5 acres per family to 3 households on annual lease basis on one-third bataisystem. Bhedkut is said to be an accretion of the Sansi tribe. Various legends describe the origin of the Sansi tribe. According to Rose*, "In Sialkot", it is said that once a Raja of the Punjab expelled his daughter from his city. Wandering in the wastes, she gave birth to Sansi, who became a free booter and had two sons Bhaindu and Mahla, from whom are descended the 23 Sansi gots. But in Gujrat, Sansis claim descent from Raja Sahns Mal, a nomad of the Lakhi Jangal. In Lahore, Sahns Mal is reported to be a Raja of the highlands of Central India, who was deposed and banished for leprosy. According to Jhang version, the Sansis are of Punwar Rajput origin. From mahla, his eldest son, sprang the 12 Sansi gots, while Bhaindu, his second son, had 11 sons, from whom are descended the Kikans and Bhedkuts. Bhedkut means sheep killer, because these Sanis, when they stole a sheep strangled it instantly to prevent it bleating. Sahns Mal, Mahla and Bhidhu are also propitiated as defied ancestors prone to exert an evil influence on the descendant, who incurred their displeasure." Although Bhedkuts are an offshoot of Sansi and have been grouped together as a single caste under the group 'Sansil Bhedkut or `Mahesh' in the list of Scheduled Castes, they do not inter-marry. In Theh Bahri, Bhedkts style themselves as Hindus, believing in all gods and goddesses of Hindu pantheon and are clean shaven. In actual practice, they display a curious and happy combination of Hindu and Sikh faiths. They have provided a Gurdwara in the village by installingGuru Granth Sahib in an old mosque, which is looked after by a priest of their own caste. In addition to all Hindu festivals, they also celebrate Sangrands and Gurpurbs in the Gurdwara with equal enthusiasm and solemnise marriage by Anand Karaj ceremony according to Sikh rites. They also invoke their dead ancestors when they want some wish to be fulfilled or to overcome some calamity faced by the household and promise to sacrifice a goat and to offer some bottles of liquor in their names. Bhedkuts in the village are divided into two clans, namely, Mahla and Bhidu who inter-marry. Some exogamous grouping also exists in each of these two clans which function like gotra. The exogamous grouping of Mahla clan in Theh Bahri comprises Dhir or Dhiriya, Jhanwariya, Mahla, Nahriya, Naiyka, Nanda, Sabhaniya and Tamaichi and Bhidu clan consists of Bhana, Duniyan, Ghammadi, Ghassi, Maachhar and Popat. For negotiating marriages, the names of exogamous groupings are reported to be scrutinised and it is customary not to marry in one's own clan. Local endogamy and cross-cousin marriages are reported to be favoured but parallel cousin marriages are tabooed. In a few cases, marriages by exchange were also reported but they satisfied the condition of clan exogamy. There are no love marriages. The selection of the match rests with the parents whose will prevails over those of children. Usually the proposal comes from boy's parents. Bride price was reported to exist and its monetary value ranged between Rs. 2,000 and Rs. 2,500. About two decades ago, child marriages were quite frequent among Bhedkuts but the custom has, however, been given up. A difference of 1 to 3 years is kept between the ages of the boy and girl. The custom of both junior and senior levirate prevails in the caste, depending on the mutual consent of the likely spouses. If a child less then 5 years dies, it is buried but a dead person above this age is cremated. The houses of Bhedkuts are both kutcha and puccastructures and consist of one or two rooms with a courtyard. Fifty per cent households lived in kutchahouses, 31 per cent households resided in semi puccahouses with pucca walls and kutcha roofs and the remaining 10 per cent households stayed in puccahouses with pucca walls and pucca roofs. Insofar as their economic life is concerned, majority of Bhedkuts are working as cultivators and agricultural labourers. Some of them are engaged in labour, construction and transport activities such as rickshaw pulling, motor driving, tonga driving and buffalo cart driving and a few of them follow miscellaneous occupations such as shopkeeper, teacher, flour miller, registered medical practitioner, priest in gurdwara, chowkidar etc. Temporary outmigration to the rural areas of Bathinda district of Punjab State, of their sizeable population for working as agricultural labourers for picking cotton from mid-October to mid-January every year is a recurring feature of their economic life. Usually they leave the village after Dussehra festival and return to their houses before Lohri festival. Sansis.- "Sansis own 23 households1 with a population of 137 persons: 74 males and 63 females. They form the second biggest group in the village, accounting for 10.54 per cent of the total population of the village. They are also one of the Vimukt Jatis and a Scheduled Caste in Haryana State. Of the 23 households, 18 have migrated from Pakistan (12 from Multan and 6 from Montgomery districts of Punjab). Among the remaining 5 households, 3 have migrated from Patiala district and 2 from Ludhiana district of the neighbouring Punjab State. Ten households of Sansis were rehabilitated in Theh Bahri by the Criminal Tribes Department and later on by the State Social Welfare Department by giving 10 acres of land per family to 7 households and between 5 and 10 acres of land per family to 2 households and less than 5 acres of land to one household on annual lease at one-third batai basis". The origin of the Sansis tribe has been described in detail in the preceding note on Bhedkuts. Sansis profess Hinduism as their religion. They invoke their dead ancestors when they want some wish to be fulfilled or to get rid of some trouble or disease and promise to sacrifice a goat or cock or to offer a cauldron of cooked rice or some quantity of laddoo sweets or karah dish in their names. They also specially propitiate Lalanwala Pir for similar purposes, to whom they have dedicated a small shrine in the eastern outskirts of the village. Shitla Mata, the goddess of small pox, which has sthan (place of worship) in the western part of the village habitation, is worshipped by them on the occasion of Navratras. The Sansis in Theh Bahri are divided into three clans, namely, Bhidu, Mahla and Chhaole. Some exogamous grouping exists within each clan. Exogamous grouping of Bhidu clan in their households consists of Bhidu, Kaarkhal, Kalsi and Shivaji gots, and Mahla clan comprises Mahla, Bhains and Nat gots and Chhaole clan covers Chhaole, Chhaadi and Daraaj gots. A man does not marry a woman of the same patronymic grouping to which his father belongs. Local endogamy and cross cousin marriages are allowed but parallel cousin marriages are prohibited. The system of marriages by exchange also obtains but the percentage of such marriages is very low. The custom of both junior and senior levirate prevails among the caste. Marriage by elopement is looked down upon. Though old people still believe in child marriage, the younger generation is increasingly in favour of adult marriages. A difference of 1 to 2 years is kept in the ages of the groom and the bride. The proposal for marriage may come from either party but the custom of bride price is reported to be absent among them. Marriage is solemnised by phere(circumambulation) ceremony round the sacred fire and is officiated by a Brahman priest called from the neighbouring village of Bahri or Bangran. A dead child upto 5 years of age is buried and a dead person above this age is cremated. Sansis mostly live in pucca or semi pucca houses. Thirty six per cent households live in pucca houses with puccawalls and pucca roofs, 21 per cent households stay in semi pucca houses whith pucca walls and kutcha roofs while the remaining 43 per cent households stay inkutcha houses with kutcha walls and kutcha roofs A study of their economic life reveals that majority of them are engaged in cultivation and agricultural labour. A few of them are also working as rickshaw puller, grocer, vegetable vendor, carpenter, blacksmith, chowkidar andsewadar in the village dera. Many of the Sansis outmigrate temporarily to the rural areas of Bathinda district of the adjoining Punjab State to work as agricultural labourers from mid October to mid-January every year. Bawarias.- Like Bhedkuts and Sansis, Bawarias, also known as Baurias, are members of a Vimukat Jati and constituted one of the Scheduled Castes in Haryana State.They claim 15 households in the village with a population of 110, consisting of 59 males and 51 females. They represented 8.46 per cent of the total village population as per 1981 census. All the 15 households hailed from Multan district of Punjab in Pakistan and migrated to Theh Bahri after partition of India. Eight households of Bawaria caste were rehabilitated by the Criminal Tribes Department in Theh Bahri in the post independence period and later on by the State Welfare Department by giving them 10 acres of land per family on annual lease at one-third batai basis. Regarding the origin of this tribe, Rose* stated, "Besides the derivation from bawar (a snare with which they used to catch wild animals), which is the one usually given, Mr.Williams records other traditions, as to the origin of the name 'Bauria'. According to one, the emperor Akbar demanded a dola from Saudal, Raja of Chitor and on the latter's refusal, a battle was fought in which some of the warriors were engaged near a baoli or well. Those on the Rajput side were called Baolias or Bawalias. A third explanation is that after the capture of Chitor, a youngman of one of the tribes which had taken to the jungles saw and loved a Rajput maid of good lineage. They were married but the youngman returned to jungle life and was called Baola (imbecile) by the bride's relatives for doing so or on account of his uncouth manner". The gotras of Bawarias resemble with Rajput names. Eleven out of 13 house-holds belong to Chauhan gotraand the remaining 2 of Panwar gotra. Among Bawarias, a man cannot marry a woman of the same patronymic gotrato which his father or mother belongs and as such cross-cousin and parallel cousin marriages are tabooed. Local endogamy is permissible. Marriage by exchange is looked down upon. The custom of both junior and senior levirate prevails among them.The proposal for marriage may come from either party but there is no custom of bride price. Some households solemnise marriage by performing Anand Karaj ceremony according to Sikh rites while others perform it by phere (circumambulation) ceremony round the sacred fire, according to Vedic rites. If a child upto 5 years dies, it is buried while a dead person above this age is cremated. Bawarias are Hindus by religion. They specially worship Gugga pir or Zahir Pir (Saint apparent) and posses the power to cure a snake bite. As they also make offring to Hindu deities and Sikh Gurus. Bawarias mostly live in semi pucca houses. Almost 10 per cent households live in pucca houses with puccawalls and pucca roofs, 60 per cent households reside in semi pucca houses with pucca walls and kutcha roofs and 30 per cent households stay in kutcha houses withkutcha walls and kutcha roofs. A study of the economic life of Bawarias reveals that majority of them are engaged in cultivation. A few of them are working as agricultural labourers, tonga drivers and rickshaw pullers. Like Bhedkuts and Sansis, Bawarias also undergo seasonal migration from mid-October to mid-January every year to the rural areas of Batinda district of Punjab State for working as agricultural labourers. Tagu Brahmans.—Beloging to a Vimukta Jati, Tagu Brahmans had 5 households in the village having 24 members with 16 males and 8 females. They share 1.84 per cent of the total population of the village. They migrated to the village from Pakistan-3 households from Multan district and 2 from Montogomery district of West Punjab. Four of their households were allotted 10 acres of Government land per family by the State Social Welfare Department on annual lease basis in 1953. They belong to Bharadwaj, Kushal and Mudgil gotras. According to D. C. Verma, "The Tagas (Tagus) are of Brahman origin. Those who gave up priestly profession and took to agriculture came to be known by this designation. Their origin dates to the celebration of snake sacrifice of Janamejaya held at Safidon in Jind district. The Karnal District Gazetteer has mentioned that as there were no Gaurs in this country at the time. Janamejaya summoned many from beyond the sea. Those who did not accept money rewards for their services were awarded a hunded and eighty four villages in the parts. When they decided not to take offerings in future, they came to be known as `Tagas' or 'Tagus'. Those who accepted ordinary offerings became Gaur Brahmans. Both retained their division in 10 clans and hence are called `Dasnam Brahmans'. The Tagas wear the sacred thread but Brahmans will not intermarry or eat with them." They are Hindus by religion and command the highest social status in the village community. All the six households are engaged in cultivation. A member of the community is Sarpanch of the village panchayat and is an active social worker. Their housing condition is comparatively the best in the village. Out of 5 houses owned by them, 4 are pucca or semi pucca and 1 iskutcha. Among Tagu Brahmans, a man does not marry a woman of the same patronymic gotra to which his father, mother, father's mother or mother's mother belongs. A widower can remarry but a widow remarriage is not favoured. Marriage is solemnised strictly in accordance with the Vedic rites by circumambulating round the sacred fire and is officiated by a Brahman called from the neighbouring village of Bahri or Bangran. A dead person is cremated but a child below 5 years is buried. Jhinwars.— Jhinwar or a water carrier caste has also been recognised as one of the Backward Classes in Haryana State. There are 36 Jhinwars (22 males and 14 females) in the village, who are distributed in 3 households. They account for 2.77 per cent of the total population of the village. They hail from village Sirsil in Karnal district and belong to Chauhan gotra. One of their households was allotted 2 acres of land for service as a village menial, on annual lease basis in 1953 by the State Social Welfare Department. One of the households is engaged in cultivation, another is agricultural labour, while the head of the third household is a motor driver. Two households reside in semi pucca houses and one inkutcha house. Jhinwars are Hindus. A Jhinwar does not marry a woman of the same patronymic gotra to which his father, mother or father's mother belongs. Marriage between cross cousins and parallel cousins is tabooed. Since all the three households belong to the same gotra, the village forms an exogamous unit for them. Junior levirate is customary. Marriage is solemnised by phere(circumambulation) round the sacred fire, which is officiated by a Brahman priest of Bangran village. A dead child upto 5 years is buried but a dead person above this age is cremated. Residential Pattern .— One hundred households having 524 members (285 males and 239 females) live in equal number of houses containing 175 rooms. It emerges that on an average a house consists of about two rooms and about 3 persons share one room among themselves which indicates that the accommodation available to the household can by no means be regarded as adequate, especially when households goods, grains and kitchenwares are also to be stored in the same space. Forty-four per cent of the households live in houses having only one room each which is shared on an average by 4.6 persons. Forty per cent households reside in houses having two rooms each which are occupied on an average by 5.5 inmates. Thirteen per cent of the households live in houses consisting of three rooms each occupied on an average by 6.5 persons and the remaining 3 per cent of the households stay in houses comprising four rooms each shared on an average by 6.3 persons. Each house has a big enclosed compound attached to it which is used as a sitting place by the family members and for tethering cattle during the day time and also for storing implements, water vessel, fodder, fuel and other odd equipments. A cattleshed is provided in the compound by households owning livestock. Only 6 percent of the households have provided a separate kitchen (10x10) in the compound near the main living room. About 20 well off households have constructed a separate baithak (men's sitting apartment) in the facade of the building, through which access is gained by family members. There are no regular bath rooms or lavatories provided in the houses, as only one household in the village, belonging to a Bhedkut headmaster, is reported to have a separate provision for these amenities. Men bathe either at the village well or in the open compounds, where 23 households have also installed handpumps. Women bathe either under the cover of a cot or behind closed doors when the men are out. Children taking bath in the canal minor is also a common sight. All persons, young and old, go to the fields to answer the call of nature, generally near the canal minor where they get both privacy and water. Fifty four per cent houses are electrified. The residents have no preference for any direction which their main living rooms or the front of their houses must face but a house is never faced towards the west because it is associated with the setting sun. The plinth is raised ½ foot to 2 feet above the ground level, depending on the kutcha or pucca construction. It is higher in the case of pucca houses than that in the kutcha houses. Floors are generally kutcha and are periodically given a coat of a mixture of cow dung and mud. The dimension of a room is generally 14'x12' or 12'x12'. Height of the room is 12 feet in pucca houses and 10 feet in kutcha houses. In most cases, the roof is made of beams and rafters ofchil, kail, saal, aam or safeda wood with an overall covering of thin flat wooden pieces called phattis, a sheet knitted with the tops of the sarkanda sticks known as sirkiand mud mixed with straw. In pucca roofs, the wooden beam and rafters are covered with tiles or stone slabs pasted with cement and an overall covering of earth. In about 10 houses, iron girders have been substituted for wooden beams. Only 8 houses in the village have RBC/RCC roofs. Windows and ventilators are a feature of the newly built pucca houses only. In kutcha houses, round or rectangular holes are provided in the front or rear wall which serve as ventilators. Burnt bricks are available at the brick kiln in village Rajaund. Kutcha bricks are moulded by paid labourers and dried in the sun. A labourer charges thirty rupees for moulding one thousand bricks. Kutcha bricks are moulded either in the months of Magha and Poh after the sowing of rabi crop or in the month of Phalgun, when again the season is slack before the harvesting of rabicrop. Beams, rafters, stone slabs, iron and cement are purchased from the markets of Kaithal, Assandh and Jind. For constructing a kutcha house, one mason and two labourers are engaged for three days. The masons and labourers are locally available. The mason charges thirty rupees1 per day in addition to free tea and lunch as his daily wage, while a labourer is paid fifteen rupees per day and is served with one tumbler of tea. A kutcha house consisting of 2 rooms is reported to cost about 3,600 rupees. The detail of cost of one kutcharoom is reported as given below :— Wooden beam —1 Rs. 550 Wooden rafters — 22 Rs. 660 Wooden phatti-2 quintals Rs. 180 Wooden door —1 Rs. 250 Wages of one mason for 3 days Rs. 90 Wages of 3 labourers for 3 days Rs. 90 Total : Rs. 1,820 A Bhedkut, who is a headmaster in a school, has constructed a pucca house at a cost of Rs. 85,000 which contains two bed rooms, one dining room, a verandah, a kitchen, a bath room, a lavatory, a cattle shed and the three walls covering the courtyard. He started the construction of the house in 1982 and completed it in 1987. Dress and Ornaments Dress.— The dress of the people is simple and the clothes are mostly made from the coarse mill made cloth, purchased from the cloth merchants of Assandh, Jind, Kaithal or Rajaund and stitched by the local tailors. The dress of an adult male consists of a Kurta (shirt), achaadra (2½ metres long and 1½ metres wide waist cloth) or pyjama (trousers) and a pugri (5 metres long turban) or parna also saafa (2 metres long piece of coarse cloth used as a headgear). Young boys wear kamiz (shirt) and pyjama(trousers) in place of kurta and chaadra and are found bareheaded. A few well-to-do villagers working outside the village and a few students studying in higher classes dress themselves with shirts and pants. Almost every male wears a vest and an underwear. Rubber chappals or Jutti (ordinary country made leather shoes) form the popular footwear of males. Costly leather boots,chappals and gurgabis (unlaced shoes) are worn only by well to do and educated males. During winter, male members of all castes wrap themselves in chadar (a sheet of thick cotton cloth stitched double or single), khesi(a cotton plaid) or kambal (an inferior blanket). Woollen coats and sweaters are also put on by well-to-do and educated males to ward off cold. The traditional dress of a female consists of a kurti (shirt) and salwar (baggy trousers) made of different cloth, having different colours and a dupatta or chunni (scarf) to cover the head and shoulders. However, the younger generation of females in the village is increasingly getting used to jumper and salwar made from the same cloth material. A few housewives belonging to well-to-do households also wear blouse, petticoat and saree. Women do not wear underwears and only a few of them put on bodices. Generally newly married women wear silken dress, while the clothes of all others are made of cotton cloth. Women folk generally spare two pair of dress for use at wedding and other festive occasions or while visiting the market or relatives. They are of better stuff, though not better tailored than the ordinary wear. Rubber chappals, slippers of rubber tyre and sandals are the common type of footwear used by womenfolk of the village. There hardly exists any sartorial difference in the wearing apparel of the villagers on the basis of caste. However, whatsoever, difference is visible in their dress, corresponds to the economic and social status of the people. Rich and educated persons wear relatively better quality of clothes and have greater variety of garments for change. Ornaments.— Males do not use any ornaments, except finger rings and that too are worn only by a few males belonging to well off households. Females are enamoured of light jewellery, usually made of yellow metal. A list of ornaments worn by women, the part of the body adorned metal used and approximate weight is given below:— Ornament Part of the Metal used Approximate body adorned weight Suian clips Head Silver 1 Tola Tikka Forehead Gold 6 Mashas Pendal Neck Gold 1 Tola Gaani Neck Gold 1 ½ to 2 Tolas Zanjeer Neck Gold 6 Mashas Locket Neck Gold 6 Mashas Haar Neck Gold 1 Tola Mohar Neck Gold 1 Tola Koka Nose Gold 6 Rattis Nath Nose Gold 3 Mashas Balian Ears Gold 6 to 9 Mashas Kundal Ears Gold 6 Mashas Kante Ears Gold ½ to 1 Tola Chhap Finger Gold or 3 Mashas SilverChurian Wrist Gold 2 ½ Tolas Chura Wrist Lac --- Shakuntla Chain Ankles Silver 8 Tolas Paazeb Ankles Silver 10 to 12 Tolas Bichhwa Toe Silver 3 Mashas Household Goods .— Except for a few wall calendars or photographs of some saints and deities here and there, the interiors of houses contain mostly utilitarian goods. Clothes are kept in iron boxes, locally known assandook and paitti. Grains are stocked in sacks, iron drums or earthen bharolis (large receptacles often rectangular in shape) but flour is kept in iron tankis(boxes) or tin canisters. Water is stored mostly in earthen pitchers, iron buckets and in some cases in pitcher shaped brass pots, locally known as banta or gagar.Handmill (chakki) for grinding flour, jharna (sieve), khali(the wooden mortar), ukhal or moosal (large wooden pestle), a reel, kulhara, kulharri and gandaasi (type of axes) for splitting wood and a lamp or lantern are found almost in every house. Koondi (a stone mortar), moosali(a small wooden pestle), an iron pan, fire tongs, blow pipe and other accessories are found lying in every kitchen.Peerhis (four legged wooden structures woven across cotton or munj ropes or cotton or plastic (niwar) andpatras (flat wooden pieces with small legs are kept by many households and offered to the guests for sitting upon. As for other articles of furniture, villagers are guided by their utilitarian needs rather than by any social prestige that many attach to possession of any decorative furniture. They prefer cheap and durable furniture to showy and expensive one. Food and Drinks.—In respect of eating habits, all castes in the village are reported to be non-vegetarian but due to economic pressure and high cost of living, the residents cannot afford to take meat daily. Meat is, however, cooked atleast once a week in almost all households. There is no butcher's shop in Theh Bahri and the meat is usually purchased from the roving butchers belonging to the neighbouring areas, who frequent this village with a live or slaughtered goat, sheep or pig. At times, an animal is sacrificed by a resident household for home consumption as well as for sale. A few persons of the Jhinwar caste of the nearby villages sometimes visit Theh Bahri for sale of fish. Poultry birds are reared by many households for eggs and meat. Wheat is the staple food of the residents which they consume throughout the year but during the winter season, maize and baira (pearl millet) are commonly substituted for wheat. Other supplementary foodgrains consumed during the year are barley, gram and jowar(millet). Although paddy is a local produce but it is mostly grown for the purpose of marketing and rice is consumed only on ceremonial and festive occasions or at the time of entertaining a guest by the common villagefolk and once or twice a month by well-to-do families. Villagers consume alike vegetables and pulses. Pulses ofmoong, masri, urd, moth and arhar are grown in the village itself. The non-cultivating households purchase these from the village shops. Seasonal vegetables are grown by the farmers for domestic consumption. Three Bhedkuts and two Sansis are also working as green grocers in the village. The residents take two meals a day, one in the morning between 9.00 a.m. and 10.00 a.m. and the other in the evening between 6.00 p.m. and 7.00 p.m. The morning meal consists of wheat chapatis with either pulse or some locally available vegetable and butter milk. If occasion so demands, the wheat chapatis may be taken with a paste of salt and chillies prepared in the form of achatni (sauce). The evening meal consists of chapatis of wheat, maize or bajra flour depending on the season and taken with a pulse, vegetable or meat dish. During winter, green leaves of mustard mixed with those of gram, methi(fenugreek) and palak (spinach) are cooked frequently to make a vegetable preparation known as saag. Khichri, a hotchpotch of millets, moth and moong or dalia(porridge) is also cooked for a change. These are also used as a light diet that helps to increase apetite. Spices, ginger, garlic, onion and green chillies are also consumed by the residents. Pickles of mangoes, lemons and chillies are prepared by the housewives and taken during summer as a substitute of pulse or vegetable or as an additional item of food. Most of the villagers use desi ghee as the cooking medium and for frying purpose. The use of vegetable oils is also becoming popular among the households, which do not rear milch animals and also cannot afford to purchase costly pureghee. Karah, a preparation of wheat flour fried in ghee and treated with a thick syrup of sugar or jaggery, kheer, rice cooked in milk with sugar added, sweet rice and senwian(vermicelli) are their favourite sweet dishes prepared on festive occasions. Insofar as drinks are concerned, tea as a stimulating drink has become very popular among the residents which is taken atleast twice a day, once in the morning between 6.00 a.m. and 7.00 a.m. and then in the afternoon between 3.00 p.m. and 4.00 p.m. Milk and butter milk also constitute their favourite drinks. Milk is the last item consumed before sleep in summer as well as in winter by those who can afford it, while butter milk is mostly taken with the lunch by many residents. Local country made liquor is consumed freely in the evening and has become a matter of habit with a large number of male adult, the rich and poor alike. Smoking of bidis is a common feature of all castes in the village. Utensils used by the residents include a brass patila(kettle) for cooking vegetable or pulse; another steel or brass patila for boiling milk; an aluminium patili (small kettle) for preparing tea; praat, a brass basin for kneading flour; karchhi, a brass ladle for stirring and serving vegetable; gilas, a steel or brass tumbler for drinking water tea or milk; a brass lota or a brass or steel jug for servicing tea or water; thaali, a brass or steel plate for eating food; thaal, a brass platter for eating food,kaulian, small deep plates of brass, steel or bell metal for eating vegetable or pluse; baati, a large mouthed brass or steel pot and katora, a large mouthed bell metal cup for eating vegetable; chhanna, a bell metal container for taking milk or butter milk; a steel donga for serving meat, vegetable or pulse; dolu, a steel container with cover, for carrying tea or butter milk, dabba, a brass container for taking food to the fields; banta, a brass pitcher for storing water, baalti,, an iron bucket for carrying water, karahi, a large cup shaped frying pan of brass or alminium andchamcha, spoon for eating liquid food. Besides, earthen pitchers and earthen haandis are also used for storing water and simmering milk, repectively. Customs and Practices Connected with Birth, Marriage and Death Birth .— Among Sansis, the first delivery, customarily occurs at the enceinte woman's paternal home and the subsequent ones take place at her husband's house but among all other castes, it is customary to have even the first delivery at her husband's place. Only in the cases of difficult and protracted deliveries, the woman is taken to the nearest Primary Health Centre at Rajaund. Any prenatal practices are hardly reported by all castes. It has been informed by the residents that the enceinte woman continues to perform all household duties upto the advanced stage of pregnancy and takes usual diet as cooked in the household but she is not made to do any arduous works involving exertion and lifting of heavy load as a precaution against miscarriage. For a month or two preceding confinement, she is also reported to put on a nutritive diet including an increased quantity of milk anddesi ghee. There are two untrained dais (midwives) in the village belonging to Bhedkut and Sansi castes who attend to delivery cases, irrespective of the caste of the pregnant woman. When the gestation period of a woman draw to a close and she begins to feel labour pains, one of the midwives is called for obstetrical attendance. Normally two women of near kinship or biradari also assist at the time for accouchement. For the purpose of delivery, usually a separate place is arranged in the house and the male adults and children are tabooed to go near the parturient. The travailing mother is given hot milk emulsified with desi ghee to facilitate the child birth. At the time of parturition, the midwife severs the naval string with a sharp blade boiled in hot water and buries it along with the placenta within the house premises. She bathes and clothes the new born and washes the mother. The birth of male child is preferred and rejoiced as compared to a female birth as it is believed to continue the ancestral line. If the new born is male , the midwife is given 101 rupees, 5 kilo grains and 1 kilo jaggery. At the birth of a girl, she gets only 10 rupees besides the usual payment of grains and jaggery. The birth of a son is announced with ringing of a bell metal plate in the room where delivery takes place. The entrance door of the house is decorated with twigs and leaves of neem,mango or siris tree by the sister who is paid a suit of clothes for this work. Women coming to greet the new born are regaled with candy drops. The mother and the infant are guarded against evil influences. A knife or a piece of iron is kept below the mother's pillow or infant's cushion which is believed to scare away the malignant spirits and counteract the influence of the evil eye. One of the closest female relations or an elderly woman of the biradari provides postnated care to the mother and the new born baby. The midwife massages the bodies of the mother and the baby for 6 days. For two days following delivery, the mother is fed on a thick syrup of jaggery, desi ghee, thyme seeds, cumin seeds taken with milk. For the next ten days, she is fed on light diet consisting of dalia (porridge), halwa (a preparation of wheat flour fried in desi ghee and treated with a thick syrup of sugar) and milk and therafter for a month she takes panjiri, a sweet mixture of desi gheeand wheat flour, ginger, thyme seeds, aniseeds, kikargum, dry fruits, etc. to re-coup her health. The baby continues sucking milk from his mother's breasts for about a year. Milk of goat, cow or buffalo is given to the infant only after it is six months old. The child is weaned from mother's milk by applying something bitter at the nipples. A diet of chapatis and pulses in small quantities is given to the child after it has become one year old and regular diet begins after the child has attained the age of two years. The period of pollution lasts 6 days among Bhedkut and 7 days among Sansi and Tagu Brahman households and 21 days among Bawaria households, when the parturient remains inside the house. On this day, a purificatory ceremony is performed, a bath in hot water and attired in new clothes. The house is cleaned and the floors are smeared with a thick dilution of clay and cowdung. Gangajal, the water of the holy Ganges is sprinkled, incense is burnt and the deities are propitiated. The child's maternal uncle or mother's father brings clothes for the mother and the child, an ornament for the child anddesi ghee . The child is administered janam ghutti, honey or jaggery syrup (gur ka ghol), usually by the maternal uncle or by a person who is thought to be of good fortune and pleasant in temperament, with the belief that the child will acquire all qualities of that person. The naming ceremony is also performed on this day. Halwa dish or sweetmeats are distributed among the caste households. Relatives coming to see the child for first time give some present like a frock, a chaddi (a small breech), a toy or some cash according to their relationship. The period of confinement lasts for 40 days when the purificatory ritul is repeated .  A traagi belt of grains or silver tinklets stringed in the black thread, is tied round the child waist on this day to keep off evil eyes as the child is taken outside the house and exposed to the external world from this day. In the case of a male birth, it is customary to get lullaby sung by heejras(eunuchs) who come from towns. They are pleased with 51 or 101 rupees. No special significance is attached to the mundan (tonsure) ceremony among Bawaria, Bhedkut and Sansi homseholds. Among Tagu Brahmans and Jhinwars, the mundan ceremony of the boy is performed at home at any time after forty days but before attaining the age of one year. The barber, called from village Bangran (2.5 Kms), cuts the first crop of the hair and relatives and friends who are invited on this occasion are regaled with sweetmeats or candy drops. Womenfolk sing songs on this occasion. Marriage a) Marriage Customs Regarding the institution of marriage, each caste forms an endogamous ethnic group. Inter-caste marriages are not approved by the society. Among Bhedkuts and Sansis, who constitute the two major ethnic groups in the village, it is customary not to marry in one's own clan orgotra. Some exogamous grouping also exists within each clan which functions like gotra and for negotiating marriage, the names of exogamous groupings are reported to be scrutinised. Among Bawarias a man does not marry a woman of the same patronymic gotra to which his father or mother belongs. Among others including Jhinwars, a marital alliance is avoided in one's own, mother's and father's mother's gotras is reported to be customarily prohibited. Cross-cousin marriage, that is to say, marriage with the daughter of a maternal uncle or aunt, is customarily allowed among Bhedkuts and Sansis which may be ascribed to Muslim influence since they are displaced persons from Pakistan but it is prohibited among other castes. Parallel cousin marriages are tabooed among all ethnic groups in the village. There are no love marriages, premarital and extra-marital relations are reported to be hardly tolerated. Local endogamy is practised among Bhedkuts, Bawarias and Sansis, whereas the village constitutes an exogamous area for the remaining ethnic groups. A peculiar custom prevails in the Kumhar community. A marital alliance of a girl from one side in exchange for a marital alliance of a girl from the other side is insisted upon. If the prospective bridegroom does not have a sister to offer in marriage to the brother or some other near relation of the prospective bride, he must come forward with an offer from amongst one of his cousins or other relations. If he cannot find one such relation to offer, the boy has to wed celebacy in place of the girl. A few instances of marriage by exchange are reported among Bhedkuts also. Polygamy and polyandry are not allowed but in the case of a childless marriage, a man may be allowed second wife with the consent of the first wife. Insofar as the two major communities of Bhedkuts and Sansis are concerned, in addition to local endogamy, the endogamous area covers Ambala, Kurukshetra, Karnal and Hisar districts of Haryana State, Union territory of Delhi and Ganganagar district of Rajasthan among Bhedkuts and Ambala, Kurukshetra and Karnal district of Haryana State, Patiala, Ludhiana and Jalandhar district of Punjab State and Saharanpur district of Uttar Pardesh among Sansis. Among Bhedkuts, who constitute the dominating section of the village community, the proposal for the marital alliance comes from the boy's parents. Bride price was reported to exist among them. Among all other ethnic groups, the proposal for marriage comes from the girl's side and the bride price is not demanded. Traditionally, Bhedkuts and Sansis married their daughters at an early age but at the time of enquiry, it was reported that they had started marrying their daughter when they entered the later phases of their adolescence. The system of early marriage dominates more in the case of female marriages. The marriage ceremony among Tagu Brahmans, Jhinwars and Sansis is conducted according to Vedic rites by a Brahman priest, whereas among Bhedkuts, the Bhai of the local gurdwara, who belongs to their own community officiates to conduct lawan(circumambulations four times in clockwise direction round the seat of Guru Granth Sahib) and the marriage solemnised in this way is called Anand Karaj. Among Bawarias, marriage may be conducted either by phere(circumambulation round the sacred fire) by or lawan(circumambulation round Guru Granth Sahib) ceremony. Cases of divorce or desertion are not uncommon in the village and are customarily instituted in the Biradri Panchayats which after hearing both the parties fix certain amount of penalty which the guilty party pays to the aggrieved party for social sanction of divorce. Widows are allowed to remarry among all castes except Tagu Brahmans. Among Jhinwar caste, the custom of junior levirate prevails, that is to say, on the death of a man, his younger brother has the first claim to the widow than his elder brother. On the other hand, among Bhedkuts, Bawarias and Sansis the practice of junior as well as senior levirate prevails. Widows over 35 years of age, who may not wish to remarry, live on the property left by their husbands. Widower marriage is a simple sort of marriage which is effected by the man throwing a red wrap over the woman's head and putting wristlets (chura) on her arms in the presence of male and female members of the brotherhood. A plate containing sweet cooked rice is placed between the man and the woman and each puts seven morsels of food in each other's mouth. Myrtle is also applied on the woman's hand this day. The members of brotherhood are feasted on goat meat dish served with rice or chapatis. Betrothal .— Preliminary negotiations are directly intiated by parents of the boy among Bhedkuts whereas among other castes usually the party from the girl's side takes initiative. Once marital alliance is agreed upon between the two parties among Bhedkuts, the parents of the boy along with their family members, selected close relations and caste brethren visit the girl's house on the day of betrothal. The boy does not accompany them. On reaching the girl's house, the boy's father meets the girl's father with warm embraces. The boy's and girl's mothers also meet in the similar fashion. The girl's father invites his friends and relatives, selected persons of the village community and members of the village panchayat. The boy's father gives a suit of clothes, a pair of shoes, a gold ornament and a cosmetic set for the girl and 20 kiloladdoo sweets and dry dates. The womenfolk of both sides attire and adorn the girl with the presents brought for her and sing songs suiting to this occasion. Two platters containing laddoo sweets and dry dates are kept in front of the girl's and the boy's fathers which they exchange with each other. The date of marriage is fixed generally according to the convenience of both the parties in the presence of people representing both sides. The father of the girl distributes laddoo sweets among the persons attending the betrothal ceremony. The persons belonging to the boy's side take sumptuous lunch hosted by the girl's parents and before returning the boy's father gives 101 rupees, the boy's mother and brothers 21 to 51 rupees each and other persons accompanying them 2 to 5 rupees each to the girl. This completes the betrothal ceremony. Among other castes, the betrothal ceremony takes place at the boy's residence where both the parties get together. The priest does not officiate this ceremony. The boy is seated on a low stool. In the presence of the brotherhood and other elderly persons of the village, the father of the girl puts a sum of Rs. 51 or 101, a suit of clothes consisting of a shirt, a pant and a towel tied in red and white threads (mauli), laddoo sweets and a coconut in the scarf of the boy and in a few cases delivers him a wrist watch. Thereafter he places a mark on his forehead with turmeric liquid mixed with rice grains and puts a piece of sweetmeat in his mouth. Friends and relatives of both sides offer 2, 5 or 11 rupees each to the boy depending on their relationship. The date for conducting marriage is also fixed on this day according to the convenience of both the parties. The father of the boy serves tea and distributes laddoo sweets, shakkar (raw sugar) or candy drops among the persons present on this occasion.The boy's father hosts a gala lunch to the girl's relations, in which meat, liquor and sweets are served to them. A fortnight or month before the wedding ceremony, a member of the boy's household goes to the girl's house and hands over 5 strings of mauli (a tinted cotton thread) containing an iron ring, a lac ring, a cowrie, a betel, nut, a turmeric piece and mustard seeds tied in a piece of red cloth) and material for the preparation of batna(abstergent paste) consisting of 5 kilo barley and gram flours, 1 kilo sarson oil and half kilo turmeric as items ofshagun (augury) meant for the use of the girl. He also makes final settlement with the girl's father regarding details of the wedding ceremonies and the number of guest in the wedding party. The girl's father delivers him apeeli chitthi (a formal marriage invitation card sprinkled with turmeric water). Batna ceremony.— For 3 or 5 days preceding the marriage, seven batnas (abstergent paste, prepared from barley and gram flours, turmeric and sarson oil) are rubbed over the bodies of the boy and the girl, at their respective houses by their brother's wife to give a shine to their complexions. During this ceremony, women folk sing merry songs and soaked wheat grains mixed with raw sugar are distributed amongst them. The batnas are so planned that the last batna of the girl falls on the wedding day and of the boy on the day of departure of thebarat (marriage procession). After the seventh batna, the boy and the girl take bath and dress themselves in new clothes at their respective places. The maternal uncle carries the girl to the place where she is decorated as a bride and to the boy at a place where sehra (marriage crown) is to be tied over his head. The brother's wife who prepared the batnas gets Rs. 101 from the maternal uncle for the service rendered by her. So long as the maternal uncle does not pay her this amount the womenfolk continue to repeat the following words. Bol maama bol maama, bolda kuon nahin, Palle taire sau rupayya, kholda kyon nahin. (Speak maternal uncle, speak. Why are you silent ? You have a hundred rupee note in your pocket. Why don't you take it out?) Kangna or Gaana ceremony .— On the day of firstbatna (cleansing ceremony), the brother's wife tieskanganas also known as gaans (seven knotted sacred thread) each on the wrist and ankle of the bridegroom and the bride at their respective places. Maandha .— One day before the departure of the marriage party, the bride's and bridegroom's fathers give a lunch called maandha to their friends and relatives at their respective houses. The persons attending the feast offer their voluntary monetary contributions. The maternal uncle brings nanak chhakk (gifts from mother's parents) which consists of some cash for the purchase of furniture, a few ornaments and some outfits of clothes as a contribution to the dowry in the case of a girl's marriage and 101 rupees, a kangna, a marriage crown and clothes for the boy and his mother in the event of a boy's wedding. Shaant ceremony .— Among non Bhedkut households, one day before the marriage, the shaant ceremony is performed, the nine grahas are worshipped by the bridegroom's maternal uncle to avert any inauspicious occurrence during the marriage. Sehra ceremony .— On the day of departure of marriage party, the bridegroom wears the clothes brought by his maternal uncle. Brother's wife (bhabhi) applies collyrium (kajal) in his eyes and receives 25 rupees from him. The mother's brother ties sehra (wedding crown) on his head. No significance is attached to chaak pooja (worship of potter's wheel at the potter's house) and ghori charhna(mare riding) ceremony. Prior to the marriage party proceeding to the bride's village, the bridegroom takes a round of the village accompanied by ladies singing marriage songs and pays obeisance at the seat of Guru Granth Sahib in the gurdwara or to the deities in a temple or at other place of worship, the bridegroom then does not go to his house and spends time in some other house or shop. At the time of the departure of the marriage party, friends and relations deliver 2 to 5 rupees each to the bridegroom. The father offers 2 to 5 rupees to each of the girls. The barat (marriage party) consists of 40 to 100 persons and its sex composition is about two-third males and one-third females.It travels to bride's village in the morning by bus hired for this purpose. The marriage party arrives with the bridegroom and is accorded a warm reception at the outskirts of the village by the bride's father and his friends and relations and escorted in a procession to adharmshala, school or chaupal, where arrangements have been made for its stay and entertainment. Light refreshments are served to the baratis here. Barothi ceremony .— The representative of the bride's family comes to invite the barat for lunch. At the entrance gate of the bride's house, the bride's sisters check the entry of the bridegroom with the help of ropes and allow him passage after receiving 51 or 101 rupees from him. At the threshold (barothi) of the house, the bride's mother performs aarti around the bridegroom's face, places ateeka on his forehead and delivers him a finger ring and some amount in cash. The bridegroom puts some money, which is generally more than the amount received by him, in the platter carried by his prospective mother-in-law.Milni (introductory meeting) ceremony is performed in which the father and maternal uncle of the bride offer a blanket or a turban to their counterparts in the bridegroom's family. After barothi ceremony, the marriage party is entertained a sumptuous lunch at bride's house. Phere ceremony .— Thereafter, the key function or the actual wedding ceremony takes place at the time oflagan or muhurt (auspicious moment). In the courtyard, a canopy is erected under which the family priests of both the parties, the bride and the bridegroom with their relatives assemble. The family priest lights the sacred fire. The worship of nav-grahas is first performed, followed by recitation of mantras, in which the tenets of married life are read out to the wedding couple, the main principles being chastity, sincerity, faithfulness to each other and promises to stick together through thick and thin. The father of the bride places the right hand of the bride into that of the boy, which is known as kanyadan. The parents thus give away their daughter in marriage and usher her into the new world of grihastha. The Brahman ties the hem of the girl's wrap to the bridegroom's scarf. This ceremony is known as grasthi bandhan. After this, thephere ceremony takes place and they both walk four times round the sacred fire. In the first three rounds of the fire, the bride leads and in the fourth the bridegroom. When they sit down, they exchange their seats. Phere is now recognised as one of the essential ceremonies under the Hindu Marriage Act. Anand Karaj prevails among the Bhedkuts. The bride and bridegroom go round the seat of holy Guru Granth Sahib four times. The ceremony is called lawan. Some extracts from the sacred book are read and though they are originally meant to describe in a figurative way the union of human soul with the Supreme Being, they are made to serve the purpose of sanctifying the union of bride and bridegroom. The bride and the bridegroom are taken inside the bride's house where ladies collect. The sisters of the bride offer a plate containing sweetmeats to them. The bride and bridegroom put sweetmeat in each other's mouth. After that the bridegroom is taken to the place where the marriage party is made to stay. A few relatives of the bride come there to fetch vari from the bridegroom's father which consists of bride's trousseau, one or two ornaments, antimony container and toilet set. The bride wears these clothes and ornaments and applies toilet on her body at her house. The brother's wife styles her hair. Khatt ceremony .— The marriage party is invited at bride's house. The dowry consisting of five or seven bride's costumes, one or two ornaments, utensils, articles of furniture and in some cases a radio set, a bicycle, a sewing machine, an electric fan or in a few cases, a television etc., depending on the economic condition of bride's family is exhibited to the people. The custom of exhibition of the dowry is called khatt ceremony. After this, the articles of dowry are handed over to the bridegroom's father and loaded on the bus. Vida ceremony .— The vida or the send off ceremony is the last function to be performed at the house of the bride's parents. It is a very touching and emotional scene as one would see the bride's relations weeping and tears trickling their eyes. The bride's relations offer 2, 5 or 10 rupees each to the bride and bridegroom. When the marriage party returns to the bridegroom's village, the mother of the bridegroom pours some oil on the threshold and drinks milk from the container after touching it seven times on the heads of the newly wedded couple. The bridegroom and bride touch the feet who blesses them for a happy married life. The sisters of the bridegroom check their entry and allow them to enter the house only after accepting certain amount of money. The bride is escorted and seated inside the house. Every woman who unveils the bride to see her face offers her 2, 5 or 10 rupees. The next morning the sister's or father's sister's husband unknots the scarf of the bridegroom from the bride's warp and gets some cash amount for this service. The bride and bridegroom untie each other's kangnas or gaanas in the presence of bhabhi who fastens these 4 Kangnas in the four legs of the cot used by the couple. On the third day, the brother of the bride takes her back to the paternal house where she stays till muklawa ceremony (final return of the wife to the husband's house). Death .— The dead over five years of age are cremated by all castes in the village. The corpse is not cremated after the sun set. The dying man is asked by his son or wife, if he has any last wish to be conveyed. In some households, he is made to give 51 or 101 rupees to each daughter and sister as a last meritorious gift. When a person is about to breathe his last, he is taken off the cot and placed on the ground. Holy water of the Ganges is put in his mouth and among some Bhedkut household, Sukhmani Paath is recited for the benefit of the departing soul. Immediately after death, a rupee coin is put in the mouth of the deceased as a viaticum. The females in the house start weeping loudly and beating their breasts as soon as a person expires. The neighbourers and relatives come for mourning after hearing the news or message sent by the members of the household of the deceased. The dead body is given a ceremonial bath with soap and water to which some Ganges water is added which is supposed to absolve the deceased all sins committed by him during his life time. Desi ghee or butter is applied to the mouth and antimony is put in the eyes of the deceased. The corpse is then wrapped in about 15 metres long kaffan (shroud) which is usually white or red, depending if it is male or female, respectively. The chief mourner, who is usually his eldest son, gets his head and beard shaved clean from the barber. Bier is prepared from bamboo sticks and the dead body is laid on it in a supine position. In case the dead body is of an old person, 1 kilo laddoo sweets, contained in a bell metal plate, are placed on the bier in the right hand of the corpse, which are then taken off and given to the sister or eldest daughter of the deceased. Thereafter, a ball of barley flour (pinda) is placed on the right hand of the deceased by the chief mourner. The kaandhis (four persons who have to carry the hearse) assemble and put their hand in a chhanna (an open mouth bell metal pot) turned up side down and each of them in turn strikes it three times with a stick. The face of the deceased is shown to the kinsmen and others to have a last glimpse. The widow breaks her glass bangles and removes metal toe rings which are placed on the bier along with toilette (shingar). The hearse is then carried to the cremation ground, followed by a funeral procession, uttering in unison Ram naam satt hai, Har Ka naam gatt hai which means Rama's name is the absolute truth and Shiva's name gives salvation. One of the mourners carries fire in an earthen pot called haandi. The chief mourner throws mustard seeds, cotton and in some cases coins over the hearse on the way. Bains or dirges are sung by womenfolk on the death of a young person. After reaching the outskirts of the village, the funeral procession halts to take rest. At this place, a branch ofberi tree is fixed in the ground and a piece of shroud is torn and tied to it. The pinda (oblation) carried by the corpse is deposited here. The kaandhis make seven rounds of it, four in clock-wise direction and three in anti-clockwise direction. This ritual is called mot ke saat phere or seven circumam- bulations of death. The females usually accompany only upto this spot and then return. Persons carrying the bier change their shoulders and again proceed to the cremation ground. At the crematorium, a rupee coin is placed as a viaticum for the deceased person and pyre of wood and cowdung cakes is prepared over it. The dead body is placed on it.Desi ghee and incensed material (saamagri) are poured on the dead body of the corpse and more wood and cowdung cakes are arranged on it. The head of the corpse is placed towards the north and feet towards the south. The fire kept in a haandi is placed on the ground towards the head of the corpse. The kaandhis (carriers) again make seven rounds of the pyre, four in clockwise direction, three in anticlockwise direction. In the case of married woman, her widower light the pyre. A father performs the same duty for a son, a son for a father, on failing such relationship, any near relative. When the pyre is fully ablaze, the skull of the deceased is cracked with the stroke of a pole three times and the performance is called kapal kriya. The mourners throw wood sticks on the burning pyre and sit at a nearby place. Among Bhedkuts, the granthi (priest) of the local gurdwara performs ardas (Sikh prayer) for the benefit of the dead person. After this the mourners return and wash their hands and face at the canal minor and then assemble at the door of the house of the deceased person. The chief mourner sprinkles water on the mourners. Every mourner is given neem leaves which they taste and spit. An elderly person makes a short speech praying for the salvation of the deceased and consoling the members of the bereaved family. After this the people disperse. At the house of the deceased, the place of expiry is coated with a liquid of clay and cowdung as a purificatory ritual. No food is cooked in the deceased's household for three days, which is served to the family members by persons belonging to their community. On the third day after death, the bones of the deceased and the two rupee coins one placed under the pyre and the other put in the mouth of the deceased are collected and washed. These are either put in a new earthen bowl called haandi and buried at the cremation site or taken to Hardwar for immersion into the river Ganges. In the latter case, the bones and the rupee coins are carried by a male member of the household in a white or red cotton cloth bag, depending if it is male or female, respectively. The four kaandhis (carriers) are fed on sweet rice on the third day. The Bhedkuts and some Bawarias arrange 7 sadharan paath of Guru Granth Sahib in the house which are concluded on the thirteenth day after death when thegranthi of the local gurdwara performs the bhogceremony and prays for the benefit of the soul of the deceased. Mourning is observed for 13 days from the date of death. During this period, friends and relatives visit the bereaved family for offering condolences. During this period taking of meat or liquor is prohibited. Among Sansis, the pollution is reported to last for a period of 10 days during which washing of clothes and cutting of hair is avoided. On the 10th day following death, dasahi ritual is observed among them when both males and females wash their clothes and take bath at the well or canal minor. Kirya Karam and pagri ceremony are performed on the 13th day after death among all castes. Among Tagu Brahmans, Jhinwars, and Sansis households, the panditchants incantations (mantras) in the house so as to grant peace to the soul of the deceased. The Brahman or Sikh priest is given clothes and shoes, depending on the economic condition of the household. The members of opposite clan among the Bhedkuts and in-laws of the chief mourner among other castes tie a turban (pagri) on his head and deliver him some cash. They also bring clothes for the widow. A feast is also served to the community members on this day, the expenses of which are borne by the households belonging to the opposite clan in the case of Bhedkuts and by in- laws in the case of other castes. The wife of the deceased puts off her jewellery and no festivals are observed for a year atleast.